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Some say this figure includes regular murders and might be slightly elevated.The number of applications filed with the Human Rights Association’s (İHD) Diyarbakır branch for finding disappeared individuals is 1,251.While the AKP government is jailing all opponent sectors of society and Kurds in particular, Turkey has almost been turned into an open prison within the process of the AKP government in the last ten years.The number of prisoners and detained people, which was 59 thousand 428 in 2002, the year when AKP first came to the power, this number increased by 114 percent in nine years and rose to 127 thousand 831 in the year of 2011.The first glimmer of hope -- though nobody was quite aware of it at the time -- to finding the people, with actual names and faces, responsible for the state-sponsored killings that were rampant in the region in the ‘90s emerged for the first time on June 12, 2007, when the police in İstanbul discovered a shanty house in İstanbul’s Ümraniye district, serving as an ammunition cache.Twenty-seven hand-grenades were found during the raid, but many other weapons, some buried underground in different parts of İstanbul, some in other people’s houses, would follow. Cemal Temizöz and many others, were a nightmare for Turkey’s Kurds for many years when they served as commanders of gendarmerie posts in the region.The only figure that has been mentioned regarding the number of people who worked for JİTEM came from retired Col.Arif Doğan, an Ergenekon suspect and one of the founders of JİTEM, who said 10,000 people worked for the organization.
A report by a parliamentary commission investigating human rights violations found that 17,500 people were killed.
Hulusi Sayın, the former head of the Gendarmerie General Command.
It is no longer a secret that there were signs that read JİTEM outside the doors in the buildings of the Diyarbakır Public Safety Command and the Diyarbakır Legion Command.
The 27 hand grenades marked the start of the investigation into Ergenekon, a network with members in powerful positions in the bureaucracy and the military, as well as civilians such as influential journalists and writers, which had masterminded many assassinations -- killings to overthrow the government. Turkey’s Southeast lived under martial law -- the Law of Extraordinary Conditions (known in Turkish as OHAL, for short) for 30 years.
It soon emerged that this network was part of a much older tradition, dating back to the time of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), a political party that came to power in 1908 following a coup d’état against the Ottoman sultan. Perhaps, some of the military officers arrested in the Ergenekon investigation were unknown by most of the country, but there is not a single person in the Southeast who can possibly forget who they are and the things they did.
According to the report: *2 children died due to mine or arm explosion *3 children died in gunfight *19 children massacred in Roboski *3 children died due to rights violations in social incidents, including Fırat İzgin who burnt himself to draw attention to the Kurdish issue *20 children died due to individual arming *12 children committed suicide *24 children died due to domestic violence *9 children died due to peer violence *15 children died in health care *5 children died in education institutions *177 children died in car accidents *32 children died of gas and smoke poisoning *325 children died in the earthquake in Van.